[by Cyrille Godonou]
Within gender inequalities in poverty, extreme poverty holds a unique place.
Extreme poverty can be understood by being homeless or even more destitute, that is, homeless, the first category being broader than the second while still including it. What do we observe from a gendered point of view in these pockets? extreme poverty and what do people say about it? Are people who "live and sleep on the streets" more men or women?
Men appear to be overrepresented in the homeless population (62% in the French-speaking homeless population in metropolitan France in 2012) and even more so in the more vulnerable group of homeless people (95% male in 2012 in France). These trends are not limited to France but extend to other Western countries. Specific support probably explains at least in part the relatively lower numbers of women in these particularly impoverished populations. The priority given to them in access to accommodation reflects a protective desire that runs counter to the supposed systematic prioritization of male interests.
Despite everything, some researchers or journalists denounce that "the representations associated with the homeless remain largely focused on the experience of men." without recalling the statistic of the share of homeless women, preferring that of the homeless (Marcillat, 2018). Gender bias in research[1]See source tending to conceal situations unfavorable to men go back several decades[2]See source.
Definitions: homeless, homeless
According to INSEE, "in the context of the survey of people frequenting places of accommodation or free catering, a person is qualified as "homeless" on a given day if the previous night they used an accommodation service or if they slept in a place not intended for habitation (street, makeshift shelter)."
Among the homeless, there are several categories of people:
- homeless
- in collective accommodation that we have to leave in the morning
- in collective accommodation where you can stay during the day
- in hotel
- in housing
Within these different categories, the homeless are particularly precarious.
According to INSEE, "a person is considered homeless if they spent the night before the survey in a place not intended for habitation (in which case they are referred to as homeless), including night shelters that offer them shelter (warmth, coffee, etc.) but which are not equipped for sleeping, or in an accommodation service (hotel or accommodation paid for by an association, room or dormitory in collective accommodation, place open exceptionally in case of extreme cold).".
To put it simply, a homeless person lives on the street, sleeps there or in makeshift housing.
It should be noted that definitions of homelessness and, more broadly, of being homeless vary from country to country, so comparisons should be made with caution. Furthermore, surveys covering an entire country are not systematic and may be limited to a subset of the homeless population, possibly excluding homeless people from the scope. These surveys, when they are detailed, are generally not conducted every year, which further complicates international comparisons, as the years are not necessarily the same.
To overcome this difficulty, local surveys, which are therefore not representative of the entire territory, can be conducted. Sometimes, associations or public services responsible for welcoming homeless populations provide indicative data.
Homelessness, homelessness, gendered phenomena that are more feminine or more masculine?
In the report on the European Union strategy for equality[3] ‘Recalls the need to combat multiple discrimination, in particular that affecting vulnerable groups such as women with disabilities, black women, migrant women, women belonging to ethnic minorities, Roma women, older women, single mothers, LGBTIQ+ people and homeless women, and stresses the importance of ensuring that these groups benefit from the objectives and actions of the EU Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025; calls on the Commission to draw up explicit guidelines on the implementation of the intersectional framework, which should prioritise the involvement of groups affected by intersectional forms of discrimination in order to assess the differential impact of policies and actions, so as to provide thematically tailored responses based on the principle of non-discrimination; » (MOPTION FOR A RESOLUTION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT on the European Union strategy for equality between women and men (2019/2169(INI))) between men and women in the European Parliament (2019/2169(INI)), we can read:
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2020-0234_FR.html
that women's homelessness is a growing problem
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2020-0234_FR.html
deplores the lack of references in the strategy in favour of equality between
men and women 2020-2025, to the protection of women and girls at risk of social exclusion, poverty or homelessness;
Mentioned in this way, without figures but especially in the context of listing inequalities that are unfavourable to women, gives the reader the impression that homelessness is a problem that affects women disproportionately. Indeed, focusing on the situation of women in the context of a gender equality strategy implicitly suggests inequality to the detriment of women.
Moreover, in the case of Australia, the topic of homelessness is a "gendered" subject, to be addressed for "Women's Day" in 2018 ("homelessness is a women's issue"):
"The plight of homeless women can be more easily ignored because they are less likely to sleep rough, but the effects of homelessness are catastrophic and long-lasting whatever form it takes."[4]
“Women's homelessness can be easier to ignore because they're less likely to be sleeping on the street, but the effects of homelessness are damaging and lasting, no matter what form it takes. ". 58% of homeless people are men and 42% are women.
https://web.archive.org/web/20190907163859/http://chp.org.au/iwd-2018-homelessness-womens-issue/
This is confirmation that there is an inequality that is unfavourable to women (their fate is ignored) but with a paradox since they are less likely to "sleep on the street". This naturally leads to questions about the quantification of the phenomenon.
In 2014-2015, in the most precarious category of homeless people in Australia[5]See source, two thirds are men and one third are women.
In the United States, in 2017, 62,4% of homeless people who are not homeless are men (Henry, Bishop, de Sousa, Shivji, & Watt). In 2018, 70% of homeless people are men, 29% are women.[6]
“Sixty-seven percent of all people experiencing homelessness within the 2018 Point-in-Time (PiT) Count are individuals. There are 260,284 men compared to 106,119 women. Thus, men are the majority of individuals experiencing homelessness (70 percent) followed by women (29 percent). The final 1 percent are transgender and non-binary individuals discussed in the first installment of this series. »
.
Figure 1 Share of adult women and men in homeless shelters in the United States in 2007, 2016, and 2017

Cf. (Henry, Bishop, de Sousa, Shivji, & Watt)
In the UK, 86% of homeless people are men and 14% are women.[7]See source. But, here again the press specifies that women are more severely affected (Foster, 2017). The press article mentions the wage gap, domestic violence, housing benefits, drug addiction, factors likely to cause female homelessness but does not mention this basic data of the gender distribution.
Statistics from these different countries highlight that men constitute a larger proportion of the homeless and even more of the homeless.
However, with regard to France, the extract from the 2017 activity report of the SAMU social in Paris mentions a priority given to women in the fight against homelessness:
The President's commitment to this matter is evidence of this, as are actions such as the priority given this winter to homeless women and families. However, the care of isolated men remains at an impasse, with insufficient reception capacities and improvisation too often taking place when the cold sets in. The winter of 2017 will have seen a succession of three extreme cold plans, and the exit from winter accommodation poses unprecedented difficulties due to the lack of places.
Bend, 2018
This is a breach of the principle of gender equality that does not seem to arouse disapproval but on the contrary is assumed, with supporting justifications that are not limited to cases of accompanying children. Some authors have also identified similar biases in other areas such as health within the UN and the WHO.[8] “Males far worse than females on many health outcomes, but more attention, particularly at a national level, is given to women's issues. » (Nuzzo, Bias against men's issues within the United Nations and the World Health Organization: A content analysis, 2020). We find elsewhere than in France, these priority measures for women[9] “Furthermore, the structure's philosophy holds that women's requests for shelter cannot be refused. “This public is deemed to be more vulnerable in the street and must therefore not be turned away for lack of room.” » (Lelubre, 2012). : requests for shelter from women cannot be refused, this philosophy considering that they constitute a more vulnerable group on the street, which leads to not turning them away due to lack of space. The lack of space would therefore hardly be an argument for refusing them access to temporary accommodation.
This priority given to women, in a society sometimes described as patriarchal[10] "The presence of a few women in important positions of power and the significant improvement in their access to education and healthcare should not hide the essential fact: everywhere in the world, women are treated less and less well by society, that is to say by men. To the great misfortune of both. The wage gaps are not narrowing, employment opportunities are not increasing." (Attali, 2016)., that is to say a society of men, made by men and for men[11] "These inequalities are therefore sometimes implicitly constructed by modes of management of a city made "by and for men" (Raibaud, 2014). which discriminates against or even oppresses women in a structural or systemic way, contains a paradox. It would only be apparent if in France, unlike in the other countries already mentioned, women were more numerous than men within this population affected by extreme poverty.
We can therefore ask ourselves whether the trends observed in other countries differ significantly from those in France.
However, it is noted that in France in 2012, 38% of the homeless are women and therefore 62% of the homeless are men (Yaouancq, et al., 2013). At a higher level of precariousness, 5% of the homeless are women and therefore 95% are men. Some 81 adults accompanied by 000 children are homeless. Among these homeless adults, 30% are homeless, or approximately 000 people including 9 men and 7 women.
Figure 2 French-speaking homeless people in France in 2012

It should be noted that other factors explain the gender imbalance among the homeless. Women are said to be more likely to mobilize their social network while men are less likely to rely on outside help. Some homeless people refuse to go to shelter because of the violence, theft and hygiene problems that can occur there.[12] “Half of the homeless (48%) did not want to go to a shelter the day before the survey; the main reasons given were lack of hygiene (29%) and insecurity (26%). The other homeless were refused due to lack of space (14%) or were unable to go for other reasons (arrived too late, pets not allowed in the center, etc.)” (Yaouancq, et al., 2013)..
After reviewing the French data, one might wonder what the situation is in other European Union countries. In Finland, three-quarters of the homeless were men in 2020, compared to a quarter of women. The gender imbalance is found in different European countries, with men being more affected despite different methodologies from one country to another: 62% in Sweden, 78% in Brussels, 81% in the Czech Republic and more than 70% in Germany.[13]“In the Fifth Overview of Housing Exclusion In Europe: 2020 data from Sweden in 2017 are noted, which reported that 38% of homeless adults were women, using a definition that includes hidden homelessness. By comparison, the same report notes data recording that 22% of people using emergency shelters in Brussels were women. The 2019 report in the same series notes data indicating that 19% of people using Czec emergency shelters were women, with figures from German homelessness services showing 27% of people using them were women, alongside data from a major Italian homelessness service provider reporting that 30 % of people using their services were women.” (Bretherton & Mayock, Women's homelessness: European evidence review., 2021)These figures allow us to more than outline a general trend in Western countries.
Figure 3 Share of women among homeless people in Finland between 2015 and 2020

Homeless and homeless: what gender evolution?
As for the evolution of the phenomenon, it is necessary to examine whether "women's homelessness is a growing problem". As a preliminary point, it should be noted that women's homelessness can increase in level (absolute numbers between two dates) without increasing in relative share: this would be the case if men's homelessness increased even more quickly. In such a case, it would be difficult to understand why we should specifically highlight the increase in homelessness, which would increase the least quickly.
In the case of France, certainly, among French-speaking homeless adults in urban areas with more than 20 inhabitants, women represented 000% of the population in 34 compared to 2001% in 38, an increase of 2012 points in just over ten years (Mordier, 4): "The increase in the number of couples among the homeless partly explains the feminization of this population, but not only. Among single people, the share of French-speaking women born abroad also increased between 2016 and 2001."
Figure 4 French-speaking homeless people by age and sex in France in 2012 and changes since 2001

However, with regard to homelessness, the proportion of women among the homeless decreased between 2001 and 2012, from 7,1% to 5% (Brousse, 2006) even though the proportion of women among the homeless increased (from 34% to 38%). We can therefore conclude in the case of France that homelessness, relatively speaking, has not increased in France during the period between the two major INSEE surveys.
Figure 5 Gender distribution of homeless people in 2001

However, the evolution is not necessarily the same in all countries.
So, in Brussels, from the source of the SAMU social[14] “The number of women included in the service's census increased significantly and almost tripled between 2002 and 2011, rising from 337 to 1092 (figure 1). Women with children represented approximately 9% of the accommodated population in 2010, but are not referred to explicitly in the discourse on the “feminization” of homelessness, in particular because these families receive specific support. Faced with these data, it is clear that the institution observes “a continuously increasing number of isolated women and families”.3 However, let us point out that the increase in absolute numbers is not conveyed by a radical modification in the ratio of men to women among the isolated people who receive help. When we analyze the percentage of isolated women in the homeless population which was the object of a census carried out by the SAMU social, we may conclude that there is indeed a noticeable increase in the relative proportion of women in recent years, but that this proportion is only slightly higher than it was between 2005 and 2007. While the increasing trend in the actual number appears to be irreversible, this assertion is less clear in terms of relative proportion, and must still be confirmed. » (Lelubre, 2012)., in absolute terms, that is to say in level, the number of homeless women increased between 2002 and 2011 but in relative terms this is not necessarily the case, the share of women among the homeless has therefore not increased (therefore a stable sex ratio), although there are uncertainties regarding the estimates.
In Barcelona, between 2009 and 2015, the share of women in shelters for the homeless was fairly stable.[15] “The proportions of men and women remain stable. In March 2015, 89,3% of the people contacted were men, whereas 10,7% were women. The average age shows a growing trend in the last few years, from 42 years old in 2012 to 45 years old in 2014.If we compare rough sleepers' profiles with the people attended in XAPSLL care facilities, the same differences that are traditionally reflected in all the European and Spanish studies on homelessness can be detected (Sarasa and Sales, 2009; Uribe and Alonso, 2009). The proportion of women in a homelessness situation is lower than in the rest of situations of housing exclusion: on the street, women represented 10,7% of the roofless population while the rate of women using homeless care facilities was 21,8%. These percentages seem to maintain a steady trend throughout the years. » (Sales, Uribe, & Marco, 2015). (Sales, Uribe, & Marco, 2015): they constitute 10,7% of people on the streets and 21,8% of people using homeless shelters.
Figure 6 Homeless men, women and minors accommodated at XAPSLL in Barcelona between 2009 and 2015

In the case of England, the share of women among the homeless increased from 12,3% in 2012-13 to 14,6% in 2016-17 (Bretherton & Pleace, 2018). In contrast to the downward trend observed in France over a longer period, in England the trend is upward. In both cases, men account for around nine in ten homeless people.
Figure 7 Share of women among homeless people in England between 2012-13 and 2016-17

Despite all this data, several authors not only denounce a form of androcentrism in the treatment of the homeless and the homeless but also regret a denial of the female experience in this matter, particularly in connection with systemic domestic violence.[16]
“Assumptions about the nature of homelessness, in terms of where it is experienced, how it is experienced and assumptions across mass and social media, mainstream politics and, arguably, in the cultural construction of homelessness as something largely experienced by lone men have distorted debates about the nature of European homelessness.[…] Arguments against the reality of women's homelessness, as a wider and more significant European problem than has hitherto been recognized all seem to center on this same argument, that because something may also happen to men, it somehow negates female experience and apparently means that evidence that more women are homeless than used to be recognized should be downplayed or dismissed. These sorts of assertions draw directly from Neoreactionary/alt-right narratives, which question any fact by calling it 'fake', or as here, attempt negation by generalization. By extension, it does not matter that women experience homelessness caused by domestic abuse because men do as well, so that homeless women are therefore not special, do not require specific attention, and those asserting they exist at all, let alone in significant numbers, should not be listened to. In a wider ideological sense, negating women's homelessness in this way allows a wider narrative to be maintained. Systemic and endemic sexism, alongside misogyny, can be presented as not being a significant force in European societies and economies, women are not inherently disadvantaged relative to men, they are not, for example forced into homelessness as a direct consequence of widespread male domestic abuse in significant numbers. » (Bretherton & Mayock, Women's homelessness: European evidence review., 2021) (Bretherton & Mayock, 2021).
Conclusion
The expression "glass ceiling" has been popularized to characterize the phenomenon of attrition of women at the top of the socio-economic hierarchy. The expression "glass floor" could be its symmetrical with regard to the bottom of the socio-economic hierarchy, with an over-representation of men among the homeless and even more so among the homeless. This "glass floor" is not limited to the issue of the homeless but extends to occupational mortality, academic failure, suicides, road accidents, incarcerations where men are largely over-represented... It would be desirable for academic research to look more closely at this particularly counter-intuitive phenomenon within the framework of the paradigm of male domination.
It turns out that men are overrepresented among the homeless (62% in 2012 in metropolitan France among French speakers) and even more so among the homeless (95%). A minority within these extremely deprived populations in France but also in other developed countries, women are the subject of special attention and specific care, in particular because they are more often accompanied by children but not only for this reason (Pliez, 2018).
These quantitative and qualitative elements qualify or even undermine an overly simplistic stereotype of a patriarchal social organization that would give precedence to male interests over those of women in all circumstances. This is clearly not the case here. Nevertheless, the literature highlights that domestic violence could play a substantial role in the process leading some women onto the streets (Bretherton & Mayock, 2021).
Behavioural differences, in terms of recourse to aid but also fears relating to violence and the lack of hygiene in emergency accommodation structures, can also contribute to this phenomenon of statistical asymmetry in homelessness.
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